What was the German Democratic Republic (GDR)?

Defining the German Democratic Republic 

The German Democratic Republic (GDR) was the socialist regime that ruled over East Germany from 1949 to 1990. It consisted of the present-day German states of Thüringia, Sachsen-Anhalt, Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, Sachsen, Brandenburg, and much of Berlin. As Dietrich Orlow elaborates in A History of Modern Germany, "East Germany was the Soviet Union’s most important European ally and a member of the now-defunct Warsaw Pact" (2018).

The GDR was also known for the Berlin Wall, which divided the city for decades and served as a symbol of the Cold War that embroiled the world in conflict. Continuing with Orlow, 

While at the time, the fall of the Wall was received as a victory for freedom—and free-market economics—the reality is more nuanced. 

In this study guide, we will cover how the GDR came into being, its political structure, economic realities, and what everyday life was like for those living in Germany behind the Iron Curtain. We’ll also take a look at some of this society’s more infamous elements, like the Stasi and the Berlin Wall, and balance that with some reflections on why some still hold onto their nostalgia (Ostalgie) for this bygone era. Finally, we’ll conclude by recounting the GDR’s final days and what followed after it collapsed. 

Political conditions of the GDR

Post-war years and occupation

Following Germany’s defeat and the conclusion of WWII, the country’s territory was divided amongst the four Allied Powers in accordance with their agreements at the Yalta and Potsdam conferences of 1945. The western portion of the country was controlled by American, French, and English forces, which became the Federal Republic of Germany in 1949. Meanwhile, the East was overseen by the Soviet Union. Each occupation zone underwent its own denazification processes and reparations policies. The Western Allied Powers diverged from the Soviet Union over these things—namely Russia’s insistence on dismantling German industry. Moreover, the USSR engaged in rigorous land reforms by confiscating the landholdings of German aristocrats like the Junkers. As Milena Veenis recounts, 

Furthermore, in contrast to the US which mainly focused on prosecuting Nazi leaders, Russia also sought to “rehabilitate” even functionaries of the Nazi party. They did so by sending them to reeducation schools in the USSR and purging them from public life. In fact, the politics of explicit anti-fascism would be an enduring theme in the GDR. (For more on the trappings of fascism, check out our study guide on the topic.)

The political tensions and disagreements in economic approach eventually led the Soviet Military Government (SMAD) to split from the Allied Control Council and establish their own East German state and the institution of the Berlin Blockade. Interestingly, 

In line with its anti-fascist ideology, it followed that the SMAD would allow the reformation of leftist, antifascist political parties. The most central of these was the Socialist Unity Party (SED), which would be the sole ruling power of the GDR through the entirety of its reign. 

Political powers: understanding the Volkskammer and the SED

Throughout its existence, the SED was the central ruling power in the GDR—despite claims that it was a multi-party system. This is because all official parties were part of the National Front which was itself controlled by the SED. The regime also remained closely aligned with the USSR. As such, it operated in a highly centralized way and in accordance with the principles of Marxism-Leninism—meaning it abided by strict, top-down control of politics, society, and economy. (To learn more about Marxism-Leninism, see V. Kubalkova and A. A. Cruickshank’s Marxism-Leninism and the Theory of International Relations, 2015.)

Another key feature of the GDR was the Volkskammer, or People’s Chamber, which functioned as the national legislature. Though officially, members of the Volkskammer were elected, these processes were tightly controlled and the choices were constrained by the SED. As Mary Fulbrook explains,

As a result, the Volksammer was little more than a rubber-stamp body, a symbolic power with little real decision-making capacity. 

Moreover, within the SED there were the Politburo, Secretariat, and Central Committee—the latter of which held the real decision-making power. In turn, the Politburo was the small group of individuals within the Central Committee who governed it. The General Secretary of the SED, Walter Ulbricht being the first, was the most powerful individual within the GDR and functioned similarly to its head of state. 

Foreign relations under the GDR 

The Warsaw Pact 

The GDR remained closely aligned with the USSR throughout its existence. Its Marxist-Leninist approach to governance and other centralized socialist policies bore similar resemblances to the Soviet Union, even if ostensibly it was a democratic, multi-party system. Still, after Joseph Stalin’s death in 1953, the GDR gained more sovereignty with the disbanding of the Soviet Control Commission that same year. After a meeting in Moscow in 1955, the GDR was granted rights to decide both internal and foreign policy relations with other states—including the Federal Republic of West Germany. That said, it also became a member of the Warsaw Pact in 1955, which was a treaty of cooperation between the Soviet Union and seven of its satellite states. 

As observed in Trust, But Verify,

As such, the GDR was also an important part of the USSR’s military strategy, serving as a buffer zone from the West. The GDR also cultivated connections with the socialist states of Vietnam, Cuba, and Angola— providing technological and financial assistance in their struggles against colonialism. That said, its foreign policy was still tightly constrained by its economic and political dependence on the USSR. 

Détente and Ostpolitik 

Tensions certainly existed between socialist East Germany and the capitalist West; this is exemplified in the 1974 GDR Constitution, which removed all mentions of the German nation and German unity, instead emphasizing its closeness to Warsaw Pact nations. Thus, relations were initially hostile between the two Germanys, as each republic vied to assert authority as the legitimate representative of the German people. However, under Chancellor Willy Brandt’s Ostpolitik (eastern policy)—which was predicated on dialogue and cooperation rather than confrontation— relations eased beginning in the 1960s. This followed a broader period of détente in the Cold War that marked the easing of tensions between the Soviet Union and the West. As M. E. Sarotte argues in Dealing with the Devil,

Following a period of détente between East and West, tensions eased somewhat and the GDR’s standing on the international state improved. Telecommunications and postal services between East and West were also strengthened, and as many as 7 million West Germans and West Berliners visited the East annually. 

Elements of infamy: secret police and the Berlin Wall

The Stasi 

One of the most notorious aspects of the GDR was its climate of espionage and mass surveillance. Tapped telephone wires, intercepted letters, home searches, and arbitrary arrests were part of life under the GDR. All of this created a constant and pervasive sense of paranoia and distrust. At the helm of all this was the State Security Service (Staatssicherheitsdienst), which was responsible for mass surveillance and spying on its citizens—particularly following the citizens’ uprising of 1953. As Fulbrook elaborates, 

Indeed, at its height, more than 1 out of every 100 East German citizens were working as unofficial informers (inoffizielle Mitarbeiter, or “IM”). They were often tasked with spying on their own close friends, colleagues, or even family. Some did it out of genuine loyalty to the regime, while others were threatened or bribed. This vast network of IMs was a central element of state repression and constant surveillance in the GDR. (For more on this, see Jens Gieseke’s The History of the Stasi,The History of the Stasi, 2014.)

Der Berliner Mauer 

Constructed in 1961, another infamous aspect of the GDR was the Berlin Wall (Der Berliner Mauer). The stated reason as to why it was built would depend on which side of the wall you were on. In the East, it was known as the “Anti-Fascist Protection Rampart,” while in the West, it was “the Wall of Shame” meant to deny East Berliners access to the free world. Either way, it prevented droves of East Berliners from moving west in search of more economic and educational opportunities—quickly becoming a symbol of the repressiveness of the Iron Curtain more broadly. As Frederick Taylor reflects in The Berlin Wall, 

The Wall itself spanned about 155 km (96 miles) and stood at about two meters high. Access to cross to the other side could only be granted at certain heavily controlled checkpoints. In some areas, the Wall was buffered by the Death Strip—complete with armed guards, mines, beds of nails, and more. Nevertheless, hundreds of people died attempting to cross the Wall during its 28-year existence. Moreover, the lack of cooperation between both sides had other fatal outcomes as well. For instance, four West Berlin children fell into the River Spree and drowned because the East Berlin guards hesitated to react to the incident, and the West Berliners were too afraid of the guards to intervene.   

To learn more about the Berlin Wall, see our study guide “What was the Berlin Wall?”

Economic conditions of the GDR

Centralized economy and the nationalization of industry 

The GDR was founded on a centralized economy that followed a Marxist-Leninist model. It featured the nationalization of key industries, including transportation, energy, heavy machinery, and chemicals. These were run by state-owned enterprises called Volkseigene Betriebe (VEBs), and about 40% of the population worked in the industrial sector. The state implemented a series of Five Year Plans, modeled after the USSR, in order to promote the rapid industrialization of key sectors. These plans had varied degrees of success, and the demands on workers to meet these aims served as a significant push factor for people to leave for the West during the early years of the GDR. Agricultural lands were also collectivized, and both private property and entrepreneurship were virtually nonexistent.  

With all this in mind, Hartmut Berghoff and Uta Andrea Balbier offer a nuanced view of the GDR’s economy, 

Furthermore, in the early 1960s, under the leadership of Walter Ulbricht, the New Economic System was implemented to offset some of the negative consequences of the Five Year Plans that took a toll on the labor force and keep the economy somewhat competitive in comparison with the West that was experiencing an economic miracle under the US-sponsored Marshall Plan. The New Economic System relaxed some of the rigidly top-down Marxist-Leninist structure by giving factory managers more autonomy over production and quotas. It also allowed prices to be market-based and more flexible. In addition, it incentivized worker productivity by offering bonuses to those who hit or exceeded their quotas. Due to ideological reasons, however, Ulbricht’s New Economic System was never fully implemented. 

Commerce and trade

Because its economy was based on strict central planning, the state virtually controlled all matters of resource allocation and distribution. It even set prices on goods and prioritized production based on national plans. While on one hand, this meant that basic necessities were covered for regular people, it often also meant that consumer goods were in short supply and their circulation was inefficient—especially as Five Year Plans focused primarily on the development of heavy industries. As a result, consumer goods were in general mass produced and of poor quality, if they were in supply at all. 

As an example, the iconic vehicle of the GDR, known as the Trabant (Trabi for short), was notoriously difficult to come by due to the inefficient, state-controlled production system. As Peter Grieder recounts in The German Democratic Republic,

Nevertheless, some brands remain beloved and in circulation today, such as Rotkäpchen sparkling wine and Spreewald-Gurken pickles. 

When it came to international trade, the GDR’s activities were mostly focused on other socialist states, namely those who were members of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (Comecon). The GDR traded raw materials, industrial equipment, and some manufactured goods—like the Trabant and electronics—with the USSR and other countries of the Eastern Bloc. In return, it enjoyed subsidized oil. That said, severe shortages of imported goods like bananas and coffee were emblems of life under the GDR.

Economic outlook for everyday people 

In the GDR, people had to live with low-quality goods and endure long wait lists to access basic commodities—from sanitary products to motor vehicles and apartments. This led to widespread frustrations and discontent when residents became exposed to life in the West through visits from relatives, television, and radio. Moreover, industries and universities were tightly controlled, leaving prospects and ambitions largely constrained. Yet, while there were definitely drawbacks to living in the GDR—especially in comparison to Western consumer society—over time, the narrative about the economic outlook in the GDR has become a bit more nuanced. As Grieder points out,  

Namely, this is true in light of the crises and shortcomings of capitalism that have made themselves increasingly known in recent decades. By contrast, unemployment and homelessness were virtually eliminated in the GDR and, along with it, many of the financial anxieties people live with in capitalist society. Rents and utilities were heavily subsidized, and all citizens were guaranteed a place to live and a job as a right under the Constitution. In many ways, therefore, the planned economy provided people with stability and security. In the following section, we’ll explore in more depth what daily life was like for people in the GDR.

Society and culture 

Daily life under the GDR

Daily life under the GDR was riddled with complexity and increasing tension between the ideals of socialism and the repressive reality. On the one hand, people were provided with numerous— though not always adequate—social benefits including universal and free access to healthcare and higher education, along with jobs and housing. Though consumer goods were of low quality and often in short supply, people lived without much financial stress or strain. In addition, many people had country homes (dachas) where they could spend weekends and holidays. Gardening was also a popular pastime and offered a way to offset produce shortages. Moreover, throughout the GDR but particularly in Berlin, citizens could enjoy free access to zoos, amusement parks, social clubs, and entertainment centers, too. These recreational spaces were cultivated in a sense of collectivism and community, which were central elements of the state-sponsored socialist project. With all this in mind, Grieder maintains that, 

In this respect, it is also of note that gender equality was much higher in East Germany than it was in the West. There were extensive family policies around maternity leave and childcare in order to encourage women’s participation in the labor force. Divorce rates were also relatively high, as women were more financially independent and could support their families without a male breadwinner. Meanwhile, in the West, women had to get permission from their husbands to work at all until the late 1970s. 

However, life under the GDR was also highly repressive and people were often living in fear of the Stasi. Prospects for one’s life were often constrained by the planned economy—whether through work assignments, lack of entrepreneurism, or difficulty obtaining consumer goods. Although there was access to many amenities and social provisions, their quality and sufficiency were another story. In addition to consumer goods, this also went for jobs, apartments, and hospital care. Over time, frustration with these conditions grew widespread and would be a key factor in the GDR’s ultimate demise. 

Culture and the arts

The relationship that the GDR had with culture and the arts was defined by a tension between the state’s intent to strictly control the creative sphere whilst also promoting socialist realism—i.e. real and vivid portrayals of daily life—in all forms of cultural production. This meant that the state invested significantly in the arts while also taking widespread repressive measures on what could be shown to the public. As Helma Kaldewey writes, 

Thus, exposure to Western media was also strictly controlled throughout much of the GDR’s existence. However, people managed to smuggle books, films, and music or else pick up television signals from their satellite receivers in the late 70s and 80s. As a result of Ostpolitik, which made relations between the East and West more tolerant, restrictions on Western culture eventually relaxed.

Despite tight control and repression in the arts, the GDR had many iconic writers, painters, filmmakers, and intellectuals. For example, the playwright Bertolt Brecht was highly influential on GDR culture, and his works, like the Threepenny Opera (1928), sought to promote conscious reflection on social issues (see Meg Mumford’s Bertolt Brecht, 2018 to learn more). Socialist realist painters like Werner Tübke offer detailed and complex renditions of historical events like the “Early Bourgeois Revolution in Germany” (1976-1987). Others, like Wolfgang Mattheuer managed to toe a line in his work—simultaneously reflecting socialist themes while subtly critiquing the GDR itself. 

Meanwhile, renowned novelists like Christa Wolf wrote about everyday life and personal struggles against the backdrop of socialist society in books like They Divided the Sky (1963). She, along with many other prominent artists and writers like Volker Braun, was also the subject of intense interest by the Stasi for decades, due to her open critique of the state. Thus, the art and culture in the GDR were equally marked by tensions between state control and individual expression. (To learn more, please see Sonja E. Klocke and Jennifer R. Hosek’s edited work Christa Wolf, 2018.)

GDR collapse and aftermath

The fall of the Wall

By late 1989, the GDR was facing deepening economic stagnation and rising discontent among its citizens due to the lack of opportunities and personal freedoms. The state was losing its grip, therefore, particularly in light of new reforms like the Perestroika implemented under Gorbachev in the USSR which liberalized the economy there. Concurrently, there was also unrest in Soviet satellite states. Mass protests in East Germany demanding societal reforms, such as the Leipzig Demonstrations, were becoming more common, and they were met with less violent repression. It was against this backdrop that the Wall fell—although the actual event happened in a surprisingly happenstance way. 

On the 9th of November 1989, Politburo member Günter Schabowski was giving a press conference about easing travel restrictions from East to West. Because he had not been fully briefed, he stated that the policies would be effective immediately, though they were not intended to change for some time. In response to this, East Berliners gathered in droves at the checkpoints along the Wall. Overwhelmed and lacking clear orders, border guards responded by letting people through. Meanwhile, in the international arena, Anna McWilliams notes that, 

The mood was celebratory and euphoric as the Wall came crumbling down—marking a key development in the fall of the Iron Curtain more broadly. Yet, what followed was met with more ambivalence.  

Aftermath: shock therapy 

Things quickly unraveled in the GDR following the fall of the Wall, as the event marked the end of the state’s legitimacy. This Peaceful Revolution also led to the dissolution of the SED. Free elections were called in March 1990, seeing a Christian Democrat Union (CDU) victory that aligned with West Germany's Chancellor Helmut Kohl and the overall reunification agenda. Throughout the course of that year, there were negotiations for the process. These included implementing a single currency, amendments to the West German Constitution, and the passage of the Two-Plus-Four Treaty, which dealt with borders and the international status of Germany. The nation was officially reunified on October 3, 1990.

Due to the GDR’s lagging economic performance, the nation was subject to shock therapy as part of the reunification process. This refers to the rapid implementation of free market principles such as the privatization of industry, housing, and other public services. Moreover, the currency union led to the collapse of many East German industries as they transitioned from using East German Marks. As Kristian Niemietz remarks, the costs of all this were high as the two Germanys attempted to merge back together again:

As a result of these swift changes, unemployment in the East became widespread—something that East Germans hadn’t experienced in decades. In turn, living standards also declined. 

Ostalgie 

Now a quarter century after Germany became a reunified republic, debates endure about the collapse of the GDR. In the immediate aftermath, many viewed this as a momentous occasion, marking the end of the Cold War as the world was integrated into liberalism and free market economics. Certainly, the regime was untenable under the contradictions of its centralized economy and the repressive forces of the secret police. The people in East Germany lacked opportunities and access to goods and services their western counterparts enjoyed. Furthermore, the division within a once unified nation is something regarded as a period of injustice and strife by Germans today. 

Still, Ostalgie—nostalgia for the GDR days—remains for many East Germans in contemporary times. In reality, there was hesitation about simply being absorbed by the capitalist West, as others remained hopeful that their socialist society could be reformed and improved. Those who feel nostalgic for East Germany long for simpler times when their lives were more economically stable and they shared a collective identity and sense of community over the individualism of capitalist societies, particularly as the free market grows increasingly crisis-prone. Ostalgie also endures because the east still lags behind the west in Germany economically, due to the decline of East German industry and the long-term impacts of shock therapy. There also remain significant prejudices against East Germans by those in West Germany due to “West German stereotyping of East Germans as backward, naive, and provincial” (Petra Fachinger, Rewriting Germany from the Margins, 2001). To learn more about the enduring effects of the fall of the Wall on East Germany, check out Chris Flockton and Eva Kolinsky's Recasting East Germany, 2012.

In her chapter, “‘The Rush to (East) German History’,” Anselma Gallinat captures the nuances and conflicting dimensions of Ostalgie well,

This ambivalence endures as time passes since the nation was divided, particularly as we look toward uncertain futures. Nevertheless, the GDR remains an object of fascination and infamy in Germany and around the world.  

Further reading on Perlego

The Berlin Airlift (2017) by Barry Turner 

East Germany in Comparative Perspective (2002) by Thomas A. Baylis, Dr David Childs, Erwin L. Collier, and Marilyn Rueschemeyer

A History of Germany, 1800 to the Present ( 2023) William Carr and David Wetzel

Remembering the German Democratic Republic (2011) by D. Clarke, U. Wölfel, D. Clarke, and U. Wölfel

Revenge of the Domestic: Women, the Family, and Communism in the German Democratic Republic (2018) by Donna Harsch

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